Fighting for Wind Power - Challenging the Myths

Wind energy - offshore and onshore - could generate up to a third of Wales' electricity, but there is a campaign of misinformation being waged. This excellent new briefing from Friends of the Earth Cymru answers the myths. RESPECT/Left Party says let's make Wales and Britain a 'global showcase for clean energy' and campaign for a rapid transition to a low carbon economy.

Afghanistan: Get the Troops Out NOW!

The hundredth British soldier was killed in Afghanistan today.

Afghanistan is a distaster for occupier and occupied alike: NATO forces are bogged down, deeply unpopular, facing more and more resistance and bringing mayhem rather than democracy.

When our media says "Taliban killed", the reality is usually that ordinary men, women and children cut down, and this is uniting the Afghan people against the foreign invader. We demand Brown pulls the troops out, because British soldiers shouldn't be dying in a futile war, and there can be no progress in Afghanistan while it is occupied by foreign armies.

Read Jonathan Neale on the forgotten war in Afghanistan here

Peter Hain's Aspirations for Wales

Former minister Peter Hain has argued that Welsh Labour must move to the right, but his analysis is way off the mark, writes Huw Williams, a socialist activist in Blackwood, South Wales.

Following New Labour’s disastrous election results on 1 May, the Neath Labour MP and former cabinet minister Peter Hain has written a pamphlet, Changing Wales: Changing Welsh Labour.

The pamphlet, published by Blairite think tank Progress, essentially calls on the Welsh Labour Party to enact the changes to its policies that New Labour undertook in England during the 1990s.

Hain argues that the nature of Welsh society has changed to such a degree that “Old Labour” type politics no longer have a mass appeal.

He says that Welsh Labour needs to look to what he terms the “aspirational vote” as well as the “core vote”. The terms are essentially bywords for middle class and working class voters.

Hain argues that the working class and its organisations no longer provide the mechanism by which Labour can dominate Welsh politics as it has done for generations.

It is a familiar argument – the decline of the mining and steel industries is seen as the end of the working class. Hain points to the decline of trade union activity in Labour but also to how wider working class social networks such as rugby clubs have declined.

He states that people live more private lives and gain their views via the television and not the workplace.

Hain is right of course that the mining and steel industries have been in sharp decline for many years. However the view that this somehow signals the end of the Welsh working class is fundamentally flawed.

Those working in the NHS, local government, education or service industries are part of the working class. They have to rely on collective organisation to better their conditions as much as miners or steel workers did.

The real reason for longtime Labour voters staying at home is the sense of betrayal caused by New Labour’s hand-outs to the rich, its worshipping of big business, its lies about the Iraq war, its commitment to privatisation and its scapegoating of immigrants.

Hain argues that it is wrong of the “ultra new Labourites” to simply expect “core voters” to keep turning up and to assume they have nowhere else to go. He cites the worrying vote for the British National Party.

However he fails to address the fact that the main haemorrhaging of Labour’s vote in the Welsh council elections was in its heartland of the valleys.

Here Labour voters in great numbers switched from Labour not to the fascists but to historically large numbers of independent candidates.

Many, although not all, of these independents are former Labour Party members and some are grouped around the Welsh Assembly Member Trish Law from Blaneau Gwent.

In the main the appeal of these independents is that they are seen as critical of New Labour from the left and able to connect with the concerns of working class communities in those areas.
Plaid Cymru also continues in the main to speak an “Old Labour” message – albeit now compromised by its coalition with New Labour in the Welsh Assembly.

Hain argues that the councils that Labour retained – such as Neath Port Talbot and Bridgend – did so because they took tough financial decisions and provided good services.

Of course Hain doesn’t mention that Bridgend council workers in the Unison union are contemplating strike action due to a deal which offers only a 12 month protection of wages, or that they have privatised meals on wheels and leisure service provision.

Likewise Hain argues that young people are not interested in politics.

Yet many school students took part in strikes against the Iraq war and school students in Pontllanfraith Comprehensive School in Caerphilly recently held a day’s strike and protest against teacher redundancies.

Surely Hain should be asking why the Labour Party has no appeal for these people.
There is no doubt that Wales has changed dramatically over recent generations. The loss of mining and the defeat back in 1985 of the Miners’ Strike still has a resonance in Labour heartlands.

Communities have been fragmented by these changes but the question is how socialists rebuild those traditions of struggle and solidarity.

The vast majority of workers still believe that there is a fundamental divide between the rich and those working.

Lastly, the very fact that middle class voters are described as “aspirational” smacks of the elitism running through New Labour.

The working class have aspirations – but these are for affordable housing, good healthcare and education, an end to wars and privatisation.

The real problem for New Labour is not how its message is spun but that it doesn’t share the aspirations of the mass of working people.

Hain’s message is a call for more of the same from New Labour and to remove what little was different in Welsh Labour from New Labour.
Welsh workers deserve better.

'O Arglwydd, dyma gamwedd' - Oh Lord, here is injustice: The Merthyr Commune of 1831

Go to the indoor market on St Mary's Street in Cardiff and see the place where Dic Penderyn was hanged in 1831. Gaze with solemn wonder at the plaque to remember him. His last words:"Oh Lord, Here is injustice" . This man - everyman - was a hero and martyr of the working class. He died young - aged 23, his spirit lives on: Adam Johannes looks at the Red Commune of 1831, "The Merthyr Rising", when Welsh workers stormed heaven.

Redundancies. Rising prices. Wage-cuts. A credit crisis. Ordinary people protesting are fired upon by the British army massacring two-dozen people. The protestors fight back hard and raise the red flag. Armed workers drive out the rich and take-over Merthyr placing it under ‘workers control’. They throw up barricades on the roads leading into the town. The authorities are surrounded and under siege in their own headquarters. Another battalion of the British army is surrounded and disarmed. For five glorious days working class people rule the town against the army who eventually crushed them.

In May-June 1831, the Welsh working class exploded onto the pages of history in a ferocious uprising unprecedented in British history. It is no accident that popular novelist, Alexander Cordell was to title his account of the Merthyr Rising, The Fire People. But what happened in Merthyr has historic significance. This was the first time the Red Flag of rebellion and revolution was raised on this Island and the working class took independent action as a class-for-itself, a time when, for almost a week, the people set up a “Commune”, a democratic society run by the poor organised from below rather than grasping elites. It took a thousand British troops to smash the dream.

At that time, Merthyr was a wild 'frontier town', the town of pig-iron - over a third of all iron in Britain was dragged up from the mines of Merthyr. It was a fluid town, being rapidly reshaped in the furnace of industrial revolution. All kinds of people were being uprooted and little changes in consciousness taking place. Many ordinary people felt a sense of dislocation of living in a world that was changing fast. They had come in from the countryside with old traditions of rural solidarity to be herded into what was the largest and fastest growing town in Wales at the time. Many were temporary and seasonal workers who would make a long trek back to West Wales at harvest time. Many of the workers were familiar with subversive literature from London that was circulated, and the latest political pamphlets and Jacobin writings were eagerly passed around and discussed.

With talk today of a credit crisis, we do well to remember that it was such a crisis that lay the foundations for poor and working people taking direct action in Merthyr. A British economic depression starting in 1829 becomes the tinder that lights a fire three years later. Times are hard, with the prices of basic goods rising, people begin to be forced into debt - just to survive, and face having the Court of Requests seize their property. By 1831, bailiffs are extremely active in the area and goods are being seized on a regular basis. There is a river of political discontent too - protests against the corn laws, marches for parliamentary reform. The town is also teeming with immigrant workers who bring different political traditions and vibrant cultures to the place, young and chaotic, prone to wild enthusiasms, they are destined to be swept into currents of history that would carry the whole town with it.

Another strata of discontent were the "shopocracy" a middle class, strongly influenced by liberal-democratic traditions and a Unitarian faith. Above all this loomed the local bosess: Four local iron masters who like lords ruled this wild place and its economy. In May, the Iron Masters are beginning to make men redundant and force wage cuts. This has the effect of crystalising working class discontent into a profound rage against the existing order. There is a general heightened political atmosphere in the town. Thousands of people take to the streets that month, and many take out their anger on the rich. The 'ringleaders' are arrested.

This might be the end of the matter, but thousands force the magistrates to set them free. It is the birth of popular power in South Wales. And for a brief week the streets of Merthyr transmute into a festival of the oppressed.

A simple outline of events reads like a movie-script. A poor but defiant man, defends his home from bailiffs. They attempt to seize goods from his home, but during the night he finds allies, and is supported by his neighbours who prevent them entering the humble abode.

The name of our hero is Lewis Lewis (Lewsyn yr Heliwr). He may be a kind of Bakunin of the barricades, an Emilano Zapata type leader who would rather die on his feet than live on his knees. But at this point, he is just a poor man standing up against injustice who steps onto the stage of history at the right moment.

The bailiffs call the magistrate, and a compromise is brokered: The bailiffs can remove a single trunk belonging to Lewis.

So far, so good. But within 24 hours, there is a march from Hirwaun led by Lewislewis to the home of the shopkeeper who now owns his trunk. The crowd take the trunk back by force and return to Merthyr. On the way, they go, house to house, reclaiming goods that the bailiffs and debtors Court of Requests had repossessed from the poor and return them to their owners. Like Robin Hood they ransack the home of one of the Bailiffs and take his property. The crowd is growing, swelled by angry working men from Cyfartha and Hirwaun Ironworks and they march into the area near the Castle Inn, where the wealthier members of the community reside. A hated moneylender has his house laid siege to. He is forced to sign a pledge to return the goods of a woman whose goods had been seized for defaulting on a debt.

By now, a local magistrate, fears that the town is close to being in the grip of mob rule. But this isn’t a ‘mob’, it’s a popular revolt against the Court of Request with justice on its side. The magistrates call in70 special constables, all middle class, to restore order. A message is sent to the Brecon garrison to warn that troops may be needed. The Ironmasters try and get the crowd to disperse. The Riot Act is read out. The crowd not only ignore these pleas but proceed to drive the Magistrates out of town. As things escalate, the crowd assemble outside the house of the President of the Court of Requests, demanding the court records and records of debtors.

Following a mass meeting on Hirwaun Common where different political factions debate and argue, the records are publicly burnt down in the street, along with the court house. Appropriately during the mass meeting, Lewis Lewis has leapt upon his recovered trunk to make the speech that will launch the insurrection. Working class insurgents are now storming all the local bastilles. The offices of the bailiffs, where property reposessed from the poor has been kept, is razed to the ground, along with the records of the debt. Demonstrators then marched on the local mines, demanding that the workers stage a general strike. Something else dramatic is about to happen, some unknown proletarian will do something symbolic that will create a new symbol of workers power: A white sheet is taken and dipped in the blood of a calf to make a red flag that is placed at the head of the march – The first time a red flag is raised in Britain!

The burning down of the hated debtors court represents a profoundly symbolic moment of liberation. Akin to the kicking over of the statues in the 1989 events in Eastern Europe, or the anarchists burning immoral money in the looted gun-shops of Barcelona, or jubilant workers shooting the clocks off churches in the Paris Commune, it is a deep cry against the injustice of this world where the big fish always eat the small fish.

By now, troops are being dispatched. At the same time the crowd form flying pickets, marching on local ironworks to persuade workers to walk out in wildcat strikes and join the movement. Internationalist and radical slogans are being chanted: “Remember Paris!”, “Bread AND CHEESE!”, “Down with the King!”, “Remember Poland!”. The insurgents meet the soldiers of the 93rd Highlanders and force them to retreat to the Castle Inn where the agents of the old order – the bosses, the magistrates, and soldiers from the British army - are besieged. The workers dispatch emissaries to the bosses demanding concessions: A wage rise, a reduction in the price of bread, but the bosses refuse to negotiate with (what they call) a rabble.

When the workers refuse to disperse, the Ironmasters order their soldiers to open fire on the crowd murdering two-dozen men and women. The workers fight back, keeping the inn under siege, and return fire. By now the insurgency and the ordinary people are in effective control of the town. Roadblocks and barricades are set up, and armed workers guard checkpoints into the town. When the Swansea Cavalry arrive from Aberdare they are surrounded and disarmed. There is an attempt to spread the revolution, with delegates of workers rushing to other local towns.

The rising finds an echo: Hundreds of workers from other areas of Wales are only prevented from entering Merthyr by troops under the lead of another local boss. The magistrates have also left – fled – town and make their way to Cardiff, Newport and London for reinforcements. Fierce clashes take place between insurgent workers and soldiers over the next 48 hours. There is a millenarian mood of people demanding utopia now.

To buy time, as reinforcements are being sent, the bosses offer concessions. This spreads confusion through the working class movement, with some believing the rising should end, while others wanting to press for more. As the movement stalls, a thousands troops are arriving on the scene. Soon they have re-established "order".

In the aftermath of the Rising, the old order takes revenge. Lewis Lewis is transported to Australia. A young miner by the name of Richard Lewis, better known as Dic Penderyn is arrested and thrown in gaol. Rather than make a martyr of the leaders, the authorities choose to make an example of an ordinary working man, they pick a typical worker from the community, one of many young men who had flocked to Merthyr from elsewhere looking for work, frame him on trumped up charges of stabbing a Scottish soldier, and hang him in Cardiff.

They want to see an ordinary worker die to show all ordinary workers what will be in store for them if they dare to rise up against injustice. Penderyn becomes a popular hero, thousands will sign a petition for his release, and his coffin is followed by thousands to its burial ground. But what Penderyn stood for is not buried. Over the next hundred years, the workers of South Wales will become known as the most militant in Britain.

There are many good ways to remember our secret heroes, Dic Penderyn and Lewislewis, on the anniversary of the Red Commune of Wales. You could pay a visit to the picket line of Cardiff Council workers who are due to go on strike shortly to show solidarity. They are under attack from the LibDems and Plaid Cymru who want to victimise workers who take time off due to ill-health. You can read Gwyn Alf Williams masterful book, The Merthyr Rising, that has been called The Making of the Welsh Working Class. You can take Alexander Cordell's novel about the rising, The Fire People as your holiday reaching with you to Barry Island beach, and if you are a fellow wage-slave hold your head high: Lewis Lewis and Dic Penderyn did it for us!